The Samajwadi Party-Congress alliance saw a remarkable turnaround in Uttar Pradesh during the 2024 Lok Sabha elections, winning 43 out of 80 seats. This success is attributed to strategic ticket distribution, effective outreach to backward classes, Dalits, and minorities, and discontent among the Rajput community.

Akhilesh Yadav’s Samajwadi Party emerged as the single-largest party in Uttar Pradesh, securing 37 seats, a significant increase from the five seats it won in 2019. This gain played a crucial role in reducing the BJP’s tally to 33 seats, down from 62 in the previous polls, preventing the BJP from reaching the majority mark of 272 on its own.

The Congress also improved its performance, winning six seats compared to just one in 2019, while Mayawati’s BSP did not win any seats. The success of the Samajwadi Party in various regions, including western, central, and eastern Uttar Pradesh, was notable, with the party also securing three seats in the traditionally BJP-dominated Bundelkhand region.

The Samajwadi Party’s gains were most significant in eastern Uttar Pradesh, where it won 18 seats. This region, which includes constituencies represented by PM Narendra Modi and CM Yogi Adityanath, saw a surprising decline in BJP support. The Congress also gained two seats in this region, while the BJP’s tally dropped by 13 seats.

In the politically sensitive western region, the INDIA bloc, which includes the Samajwadi Party and Congress, gained seven seats, with the BJP losing six seats despite alliances with parties like Jayant Chaudhary’s Rashtriya Lok Dal (RLD). The NDA won only 13 out of 26 seats in this region, down from 18 in 2019.

A key factor in the BJP’s struggles was the anger among the Rajput community, who felt sidelined in favor of Gurjars and Jats. This discontent was exacerbated by limited ticket distribution to Rajputs, with only one Rajput candidate fielded in the initial constituencies, who later passed away.

The Samajwadi Party’s success can also be attributed to its strategic ticket distribution. This election cycle, the SP prioritized non-Yadav OBCs and Dalits, giving tickets to only five Yadavs and four Muslims, compared to 10 Yadavs in the previous election. This strategy resulted in the SP’s best performance in a Lok Sabha election, surpassing its previous best of 35 seats in 2004.

The ‘PDA’ (pichada, Dalits, alpsahkhyaks or minorities) outreach strategy paid significant dividends. The SP gained 25 seats in OBC-reserved constituencies and six in Muslim-dominated constituencies. The party’s decision to field Dalits in key constituencies like Meerut and Faizabad (Ayodhya) also proved effective, with surprising victories in these areas.

In Faizabad, the SP’s Awadhesh Prasad defeated BJP candidate Lallu Singh, even as the area houses the newly inaugurated Ram temple. The Congress, meanwhile, won four seats in OBC-dominated constituencies, further highlighting the effectiveness of their alliance’s strategy.

On the other hand, the BJP, which predominantly fielded upper-caste candidates, suffered significant losses in OBC, Brahmin, and Muslim-dominated constituencies, losing 23 seats in OBC areas alone. This shift highlights the changing dynamics of voter support in Uttar Pradesh and the impact of strategic candidate selection and community outreach.

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